Film Review and Discussion

I am a big fan of using film, literature, and music to convey academic information to students regarding topics that come up in class. Having shown several film clips and trailers in class, I've been approached by a few students wanting to do some sort of film showing and discussion related to topics of my research. I won't be able to take on such an effort this semester, but I have decided to post trailers to these films and provide my own response and discussion questions so that, if students would like to view the films on their own, we may have a discussion over the blog or email.

The following are several films that I will be discussing. The first is Tsotsi (2006), the story of a thug (tsotsi) from SOWETO in South Africa who makes a life-changing decision and confronts trauma from his past.

The second film is a an adaption Alan Paton's Cry, the Beloved Country. This book fundamentally changed the way I thought about the world and my role in it (and I was only a junior in high school). Set in South Africa, the story is about the struggle of ending apartheid and mending the broken pieces of two lives that find themselves unexpected intertwined.

Finally, I'd like to show The First Grader, a film based on the true story of an illiterate 84-year-old Kenyan veteran who wishes to take advantage of Kenya's newly-instituted free education policy.

Once I review these films and provide discussion questions, I hope to gain some feedback from students regarding other films they would like to discuss (I have about six others in mind). This was a successful practice in my role at Indiana University, so I hope that everyone who's following and checking in will enjoy it as well. As always, feedback is welcome.

Who Is in Charge, Here? M23 and its response to UN sanctions

M23 Congo Rebels Fear War Over UN Sanctions This is a link to an article published in the The Independent and written by Haggai Matsiko (2013) that touches on a topic that I have been grappling with for the past several months: How should the international community (and by this, I mean IGOs, NGOs, international non-state actors in general, and state governments) treat rebel groups in the context of forging peace agreements? There are obvious dangers to raising these groups to a state-like status, but there are also drawbacks to failing to provide enough legitimacy to make negotiations meaningful for the rebel parties.

The UN has imposed sanctions and travel bans on high-ranking members of M23, spurring resentment and renewed tensions between the rebel group and the government of the DRC. The sanctions were imposed following investigations into accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is the responsibility of the UN to intervene in situations where civilians are being targeted, harmed, and killed, regardless of whether the perpetrator is a state or non-state actor. But the government of the DRC warns that such actions by the UN will only inflame the situation, bringing about more destruction and loss of life. It appears as though M23 has enough control over the fragile situation in Eastern DRC to hold state governments at bay . . . but what of the international community? To what extent is the UN willing to provide support to DRC civilians in light of the sanctions the UN has imposed on M23? We must not be satisfied with precedent and status quo, but we, especially scholars of transitional justice, but continually ask ourselves questions regarding responsibility, power, control, and enforcement. These negotiations with M23 will not end quickly. Let us see whether this group remains resolute about an independent territory in North Kivu.

DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

The latest attempt to foster peace in Eastern DRC . . . This time, instead of drafting an entirely new document, the parties involved have revised and recommitted to tenets of past peace agreements. One aspect of this newest development that I find interesting is the new focus on citizenship and its role in the conflict. It is common knowledge for individuals in this area of Africa that citizenship as a Congolese is both poorly documented and highly politicized. Apparently, this issue has been addressed in the latest talks:

"According to a statement issued yesterday, the talks will tackle the effective implementation of the law on citizenship and its application on the ground in view of the fight against discrimination" (Muramira 2013).


Another area of interest in these talks is the inclusion of a discussion regarding the release of political and war prisoners. It will be interesting to see what level (or levels) of judicial decision-making and enforcement will be employed to this end. In the past, amnesty was the largest bargaining chip in Eastern DRC peace agreements. Could there be continued bargaining, not just between the national government and rebel leaders, but among local officials, foreign national governments, and third-party organizations?


Muramira, Gashegu. (2013). "DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks." allAfrica.com, 17 January 2013. 
allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

SADC Meets On DRC, Zim

The Southern African Development Community is a regional economic institution that deals with trade relations, as well as peace and security concerns for many countries in the south, southeast, and central areas of the African continent. SADC has been highly involved with regard to issues of peace and security in Zimbabwe for many years. Now, with the ongoing troubles in DRC, SADC appears to have a full plate . . . perhaps too full. SADC has reached out the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region in order to monitor and deal with the continued conflict in the DRC:

"The meeting noted with appreciation the good collaboration between SADC and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) on the developments in the eastern DRC" (New Era 2013).

To what extent should the conflict(s) in Eastern DRC be handled by regional organizations, specifically REIs? What are the advantages and disadvantages of collaboration between multiple regional organizations with regards to reaching a peaceful solution to inter- and intra-national conflict? 

allAfrica.com: Southern Africa: SADC Meets On DRC, Zim

Congo’s M23 conflict: Rebellion or resource war? (Op-Ed)

When I discuss my work, I often use the term "rebel group" to identify the many non-state groups involved in the conflict in Eastern DRC. This label is sometimes criticized as a misnomer by those who argue that the conflict in Eastern DRC is a war about control over resources rather than an attempt to overthrow, change, or replace the national government. I argue that, for sustained conflicts, such as the one in Eastern DRC, it is difficult to parse out exactly what the goals of each actor are with regards to interests in the conflict. Is Eastern DRC, including both conflict and transitional justice components, primarily an economic story (opportunity)? Is it primarily a grievance story? Or could it be a combination of the two?

In an article by Nile Bowie (RT.com, January 14th, 2013) (Rebellion or resource war?), this question of rebel motives is discussed. At the end of the article, the author brings up an important factor that contributes to the conflict process in Eastern DRC:

"If Kabila wants to stay in power, he needs the capability of exercising authority over the entire country. Sanctions should be imposed on top-level Rwandan and Ugandan officials and all military aid should be withheld; additionally, Rwandan strongman Paul Kagame should be investigated and removed from his position."

The factor alluded to in this paragraph is that of geographical proximity. The area of DRC is 2,345,000 km² (905,600 sq miles). Kinshasa (the capital of DRC) is on the opposite side of the country from North Kivu province. Rwanda and Uganda are closer in proximity to this area than the DRC's national government. Elsewhere in the article, it is suggested that by diminishing the size of rebel groups (of which there are around 40 in the DRC), the national government may be able to gain more control over the Eastern provinces. How could this be accomplished? Given their close proximity to the area most affected by conflict, how involved (and in what ways) should Rwanda and Uganda play a role in this situation? Consider, also, the enormity of the IDP (internally displaced persons) and refugee situations that are resulting from this conflict. Consider the geo-political consequences of state, IGO, and NGO decision-making.

Congo-Kinshasa: Prime Minister Challenges UN's Drones Use in DR Congo (Page 2 of 2)

Could drones be the newest version of UN peacekeeping and observation? It is true that there are many areas, particularly in Eastern DRC, that are off-limits and physically difficult to reach. However, could the introduction of drones in attempts to achieve peace in DRC be a dangerous precedent? This new development brings up important questions regarding sovereignty, the rights of states, and ownership of the peace-making and peacekeeping processes.

"The said aerial vehicles equipped with infrared technology can detect troops hidden beneath forest canopy or operating at night, allowing them to track movements of armed militias, assist patrols heading into hostile territory and document atrocities. They are about 150 miles and are able to hover for up to 12 hours at a time" (New of Rwanda 2013).

allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: Prime Minister Challenges UN's Drones Use in DR Congo (Page 2 of 2)

Congo-Kinshasa: UN Mission Welcomes Return of Renowned Doctor to Eastern DR Congo Following Attack

For those of you following Dr. Mukwege's story, he has now returned to work with support from national officials, local officials in North Kivu, and MONUSCO. I will repost the series of articles regarding the attack on Dr. Mukwege and his family so that you can review the entire story.

allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: UN Mission Welcomes Return of Renowned Doctor to Eastern DR Congo Following Attack