Research Updates, Travel Plans, and News Out of Africa

With the successful end of another semester, I have been preparing for a summer full of research and writing opportunities. The first half of the summer will be spent developing the research design for my dissertation which will then be workshopped at the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research (IQMR) towards the middle and end of June. I am also the manager for Dr. Christian Davenport (University of Michigan) and Dr. Kathy Powers (University of New Mexico) for a project that considers the myriad ways in which reparations are indicated, implemented, and disseminated among different populations and under varying conditions. Additionally, Ms. Brittany Ortiz, M.A. (University of New Mexico) and I are conducting a pilot study this summer for a larger project that considers questions related to memorials, collective memory, transitional justice, and mass atrocity. The pilot study this summer will be one of several studies and projects that will be carried out during my time in Uganda (a seven-week journey that will include stays in Gulu and Kitgum, among other areas in the West and North). Mr. Lars B. Parkin (Scouler & Company) will be joining me on my travels to and within Uganda as companion and assistant. Together, we plan to collect valuable data to be compiled into a brand new dataset, gather information to develop/complete several research projects, explore opportunities for future research endeavors, and blog about our experiences along the way. I will also be offering to hold brief informational question/answer Skype sessions with classes and groups while we are in Uganda. (Please contact me directly if you are interested in taking advantage of this opportunity - jennikerner@gmail.com).

Source: University of Florida

Meanwhile, the situation in the Central African Republic (CAR) is deteriorating (UN Calls for Sanctions Against Seleka). Seleka, after its successful overthrow of the federal government, has been accused of committing human rights violations and acts of violent aggression against innocent populations. These acts are apparently retribution or vengeance for past wrongs. With South Sudan still developing after its independence in July 2011 (South Sudan and the Issue of Decentralization), as well as the volatile situations in both Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and Northwestern Uganda, it remains to be seen whether and how Seleka will be stopped from committing these human rights violations. Another concern is, if they are successfully halted in their criminal activities, how will they be brought to justice? These situations bring to mind the complex interweb of national, subnational, and international organizations that may or may not be able to press charges against collectives of individuals with formal political affiliation who, not only control a country's government, but also play the role of adversary to many of that same country's citizens.

In an editorial published in the Kampala Observer (Ugandan Journalism and the Right to Know), the issue of "the right to know" has been highlighted in regards to recent accusations that journalists were not fairly portraying information about Tinyefuza (General David Sejusa) who has been accused of committing human rights violations and meddling in government affairs. While this situation may seem relatively unimportant given the security concerns present in the rest of the country, the concern about dissemination of information relates to Uganda's ability to process past atrocities and deal with present ones. If Uganda is not willing to deal with information and transparency in a direct and open manner, it is unlikely that transitional justice mechanisms meant to hold perpetrators accountable and provide appropriate justice to victims will be successful.

In the East, Liberia has official begun its peace and reconciliation process (Liberia: Peace and Reconciliation). It will be interesting to see how this process plays out so many years after the conflict has ended and perpetrators have been tried for crimes. This process also brings up questions regarding the temporal and spatial factors associated with developing and implementing transitional justice mechanisms such as truth commissions, reparations, lustration, and memorials.

I will continue to update this blog regarding activities occurring in Central Africa, and with issues related to my research. However, if you are interested in updates related to NGOs, recent news, and research opportunities related to my work, please follow my Facebook page (Jennifer M. Kerner - FB Page).

Funding Update: Seeing the "Big Picture"

At an orphanage near Uromi, Nigeria in the summer of 2006.
Never forget what is most important about the work you do.
For me, the most important aspect of this project is
safeguarding the futures of the individuals who survive violent
conflict in whatever way(s) I am able. In the words of my father,
 "At the end of the day, no matter what happens, no matter what you've
lost or won, it's people that matter."

Every now and then, when you're up to your eyeballs in research and you're having difficulty finding the light at the end of the tunnel . . . you have a breakthrough. Today was one of those days. Thanks to the unwavering enthusiasm of my mentor/advisor, as well as that of my family and close friends, I have managed to draft an outline of the ways in which the research I have done, both at Indiana University and the University of New Mexico, up to this point fits into a broader project pursuant to the goal of making the world a safer and more promising place in the wake of violent conflict. It is my hope that I can use this trip this summer to set in motion a research program that addresses concerns related to mental health, children, single parent families, domestic abuse, and indigenous solutions . . . all within the context of ending politically-motivated violent conflict and establishing a workable, sustainable peace.

Some might ask whether the goal should be preventing conflict from occurring in the first place. I argue that by focusing on improving reconstructive and transitional justice mechanisms and institutions, peace will become more durable and more readily disseminated in areas that are at-risk for violent conflict. (Extant research shows that there are risk-factors related to internal conflict and civil war, making these events predictable to some extent). But by ignoring what can be done in the post-conflict period in order to focus on preventing the outbreak of violent conflict in areas identified as high-risk, we are missing an opportunity for conflict/peace research and meaningful policy recommendations that could contribute to quelling poverty, hunger, domestic violence, etc., and improving economies, health outcomes, and the futures of hundreds of thousands of individuals. 

I also have three working papers that I expect to complete by the second week in May. The first considers how combatants and ex-combatants are represented in post-conflict democratic elections vis-a-vis the development of electoral rules. The second applies a theory of organization and co-optation to the development and implementation of demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration programs. The third is a research note regarding the recent national election in Kenya. Now that I have a formal and central thread throughout all of my work, I feel even more confident that the project this summer, as well as the subsequent research that is sure to follow, is imperative for the development of policies that aim to assist former combatants of all types in the aftermath of conflict.

Thank you, again, to all who have contributed and shown their support. Every little bit helps!

~Jennifer

Inspired by all of the support I have received,
I spent my Saturday morning writing (by hand)
over fourteen pages of my project.
Thank you for the added drive!

Research Project Update: Atlas.ti Software!

In case you have not checked out my funding site, I wanted to share an update regarding the progress I have made on my field paper/dissertation project. Thanks to generous donations, I was able to purchase, download, and start working with Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative software. Below is the update posted on my funding site:

Thanks to the generous donations I've received so far, I was able to purchase and download Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative analysis software! For a "qualie" (term of endearment for someone who specializes in the use of qualitative empirical research methods), the Atlas.ti software is a dream come true. It was not long ago that researchers interested in mix-methods or grounded theory (see Kathy Charmaz (2006) for an overview of grounded theory) had to do all of this data entry and coding by hand. My first qualitative project, a narrative analysis of intimate partner violence survivors, was all by hand and I only used seven interviews. I cannot imagine what a monster this project would be if it were not for the comprehensive and easy-to-use Atlas.ti software. Of course, Atlas.ti is not the only qualitative analysis software on the market. There are certainly die-hard InVivo and NUD*IST users out there. I've tried all three software choices and find that, for a mixed-methods researcher, Atlas.ti is the most user-friendly. One of the aspects of this software that I am thrilled about with regards to my upcoming fieldwork is the ability to effortlessly upload survey responses into the program and code for themes among the quantitative, as well as qualitative data. The program allows me to combine all of my data sources into one aggregate analysis, if I so choose. What usually happens is that researchers present a qualitative and quantitative analysis together, but separately, in a paper. With Atlas.ti, I have the ability to combine them to produce what (I hope) will be a much more meaningful and in-depth understanding of why and how ex-combatants choose to defect from reintegration programs in the post-conflict period.

Thank you again to everyone who has supported me on this journey! I will continue to post updates and share exciting milestones along the way!

Cheers,

Jennifer

Preparing for Fieldwork in Central Africa

We are still waiting for news out of Kenya regarding the next President, but several sources are reporting that Kenyatta is showing a sustained and early lead against Odinga (Check in with AllAfrica.com for updates from several local news sources). As soon as we know something decisive,  I'll post a summary and reaction on this blog.

For now, I would like to share an opportunity for you to support the work that is being done to alleviate conflict and sustain peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, South Sudan, and other areas where armed groups are engaged in politically-motivated and sustained violent activity.

I am finally at the stage in my current research endeavor where I can begin to collect data in the field. This summer, I will be traveling to Uganda to talk with individuals who are in some way involved in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration process in the Great Lakes Region. I had originally hoped to travel to Eastern DRC, but I have been selected to attend the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research in Syracuse for two weeks in the middle of the summer. This alters my time-frame such that a trip to DRC needs to wait until I can dedicate several uninterrupted months to this endeavor. A trip to Uganda will allow me to 1) establish a network of contacts on the ground in the area (and re-connect with previous contacts), 2) find out more about the DDR situation in both Western Uganda and Eastern DRC, and 3) begin to develop an original dataset that will be used to answer questions regarding ex-combatants and the reintegration process during times of conflict as well as peace. All of this work will better prepare me to conduct fieldwork in Eastern DRC at a future date.

I encourage you to visit my fundraising site to read an abstract of the project proposal, as well as other details regarding my trip. If you feel compelled to support this project, you may make a monetary donation of your choosing on the site. I will be sure to keep all donors up-to-date regarding the progress of the project. I will also include the names of donors (unless you wish to remain anonymous) in the acknowledgements section of any publication that is produced as a result of this project. I thank you in advance for any support you are willing to give. As always, feel free to contact me regarding any questions, comments, or critiques.

Cessation of Child Recruitment: A public health approach to a political and social problem

My experience as a public health professional has provided perspective and insight into my career as a political scientist in several ways. One way in which my cross-disciplinary training has been useful is in regard to the study of child soldiering. Specifically, my research is interested in the ways in which child soldiering (that is, the forced and/or coerced recruitment of children under the age of 16) can be prevented. Many public health and political projects that deal with the issue of child soldiering examine the causes and outcomes of the practice, but they do not explore the possibility of prevention. I argue that prevention of child soldiering is not only possible, but is a key component in the cessation of mass atrocity and crimes against humanity within the context of irregular warfare. The following is a very brief outline of this argument, including the theoretical groundings upon which the argument is based.

Preventing Prevalence of PTSD Among Children in Conflict Settings:

A Social Cognitive Theory Approach to Targeting Armed Forces as a Means to

Ceasing Forced Recruitment of Children in the Great Lakes Region

Health Issue, Behavior and Priority Group

The prevalence of malignant forms of PTSD in former child soldiers on the African continent threatens to hamper efforts for post-conflict community reconstruction.  The only way to effectively decrease the number of children diagnosed with malignant PTSD is to cease the forced recruitment of children from within refugee camps, particularly in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.  The priority group for intervention implementation is composed of those individuals who are forcefully recruiting children into the armed forces within the Great Lakes Region refugee camps.

Summary of the Literature on Determinants of Forced Recruitment by Armed Forces

According to several studies, the way in which recruiting soldiers view their own environment and situation, in addition to that of the children they are charged with recruiting, may influence their behavior.  Four studies cited external factors in the recruiters’ environments, such as their military comrades and political affiliation as constructs directly affecting their recruiting behavior, (Maxted, 2003; Andvig and Gates, 2006; Singer, 2006; Lischer, 2006).  In addition, four studies also mentioned the situation, or perceived social status within ranks and perceived importance to their community, may be able to be influenced in such a way that soldiers no longer feel the pressure from environmental factors to recruit children, (Maxted, 2003; Aning and McIntyre, 2005; Singer, 2006; Beber and Blattman, 2008).  Soldiers are often told that the only way to bring order to their people is to control those who presumably do not have the capacity to thrive independently, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005).  Soldiers are conditioned to believe that if they recruit children who would otherwise be a menace to society, their country will benefit.  This conditioning builds outcome expectations among recruiting soldiers as to what will happen if they choose to recruit children into the armed forces, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005; Blattman, 2007).  Governments equate the benefit of the country as a whole with the benefit of those who assisted in its protection and support, thereby creating positive outcome expectancies for those who choose to forcefully recruit children into the armed forces, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005). 

Rationale for Social Cognitive Theory and Analysis of Determinants

            The most pervasive constructs in discussion regarding change in recruitment behavior come from the Social Cognitive Theory.  Due to the interpersonal nature of military culture, as well as the profound impact of state activities on the activities of the military, the Social Cognitive Theory is the best model by which to formulate an intervention program targeting soldiers who recruit children for service.  Utilizing the Principle of Reciprocal Determinism, it is hypothesized that by affecting environmental influences, such as implementing and enforcing the international laws and rules of warfare in areas where formal conflict exists, and by altering soldiers’ situation and outcome expectations (thereby affecting their outcome expectancies), military units will cease forceful recruit of children from refugee camps in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.  One recommendation for further research would be to understand the role that self-efficacy plays in individual soldiers’ intention to cease recruitment children from refugee camps.  As self-efficacy is the single most important construct of the Social Cognitive Theory, it is imperative that program developers understand how best to improve soldiers’ confidence in choosing not to recruit children.  Lack of volitional control, however, will continue to be the greatest barrier in tackling cessation of child recruitment.  

Copyright 2013 Jennifer M Kerner, M.P.H.

Please contact the author before reproducing this publication in whole or in part: jmkerner@unm.edu

Andvig, J.C. and Gates, S.  (2006).  “Recruiting Children for Armed Conflict.”  Keynote address at the Dutch Flemish Association for Economy and Peace.

Aning, K. and McIntyre, A.  (2005).  “From Youth Rebellion to Child Abduction: The Anatomy of Recruitment in Sierre Leone.”  In Invisible Stakeholders: Children and War in Africa, Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies.

*Beber, B. and Blattman, C.  (2008).  “Rebels without a Cause: The Use of Coercion and Children in Guerrilla Warfare.”  Lecture printed by Columbia University Press.

*Blattman, C.  (2007).  “The Causes of Child Soldiering: Theory and Evidence from Northern Uganda.”  Lecture printed by University of California Press.

*Lischer, S.K.  (2006).  “War, Displacement, and the Recruitment of Child Soldiers.”  Lecture printed by Wake Forest University Press.

Maxted, J.  (2003).  “Children and Armed Conflict in Africa.”  Social Identities, 9(1):51-72.

Singer, P.W.  (2006).  “The Enablers of War: Casual Factors behind the Child Soldier Phenomenon.”  The Brookings Institute.

*Transcripts of lectures were provided following personal request.  Copies of these papers are immediately available upon request.

Who Is in Charge, Here? M23 and its response to UN sanctions

M23 Congo Rebels Fear War Over UN Sanctions This is a link to an article published in the The Independent and written by Haggai Matsiko (2013) that touches on a topic that I have been grappling with for the past several months: How should the international community (and by this, I mean IGOs, NGOs, international non-state actors in general, and state governments) treat rebel groups in the context of forging peace agreements? There are obvious dangers to raising these groups to a state-like status, but there are also drawbacks to failing to provide enough legitimacy to make negotiations meaningful for the rebel parties.

The UN has imposed sanctions and travel bans on high-ranking members of M23, spurring resentment and renewed tensions between the rebel group and the government of the DRC. The sanctions were imposed following investigations into accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is the responsibility of the UN to intervene in situations where civilians are being targeted, harmed, and killed, regardless of whether the perpetrator is a state or non-state actor. But the government of the DRC warns that such actions by the UN will only inflame the situation, bringing about more destruction and loss of life. It appears as though M23 has enough control over the fragile situation in Eastern DRC to hold state governments at bay . . . but what of the international community? To what extent is the UN willing to provide support to DRC civilians in light of the sanctions the UN has imposed on M23? We must not be satisfied with precedent and status quo, but we, especially scholars of transitional justice, but continually ask ourselves questions regarding responsibility, power, control, and enforcement. These negotiations with M23 will not end quickly. Let us see whether this group remains resolute about an independent territory in North Kivu.