Funding Update: Seeing the "Big Picture"

At an orphanage near Uromi, Nigeria in the summer of 2006.
Never forget what is most important about the work you do.
For me, the most important aspect of this project is
safeguarding the futures of the individuals who survive violent
conflict in whatever way(s) I am able. In the words of my father,
 "At the end of the day, no matter what happens, no matter what you've
lost or won, it's people that matter."

Every now and then, when you're up to your eyeballs in research and you're having difficulty finding the light at the end of the tunnel . . . you have a breakthrough. Today was one of those days. Thanks to the unwavering enthusiasm of my mentor/advisor, as well as that of my family and close friends, I have managed to draft an outline of the ways in which the research I have done, both at Indiana University and the University of New Mexico, up to this point fits into a broader project pursuant to the goal of making the world a safer and more promising place in the wake of violent conflict. It is my hope that I can use this trip this summer to set in motion a research program that addresses concerns related to mental health, children, single parent families, domestic abuse, and indigenous solutions . . . all within the context of ending politically-motivated violent conflict and establishing a workable, sustainable peace.

Some might ask whether the goal should be preventing conflict from occurring in the first place. I argue that by focusing on improving reconstructive and transitional justice mechanisms and institutions, peace will become more durable and more readily disseminated in areas that are at-risk for violent conflict. (Extant research shows that there are risk-factors related to internal conflict and civil war, making these events predictable to some extent). But by ignoring what can be done in the post-conflict period in order to focus on preventing the outbreak of violent conflict in areas identified as high-risk, we are missing an opportunity for conflict/peace research and meaningful policy recommendations that could contribute to quelling poverty, hunger, domestic violence, etc., and improving economies, health outcomes, and the futures of hundreds of thousands of individuals. 

I also have three working papers that I expect to complete by the second week in May. The first considers how combatants and ex-combatants are represented in post-conflict democratic elections vis-a-vis the development of electoral rules. The second applies a theory of organization and co-optation to the development and implementation of demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration programs. The third is a research note regarding the recent national election in Kenya. Now that I have a formal and central thread throughout all of my work, I feel even more confident that the project this summer, as well as the subsequent research that is sure to follow, is imperative for the development of policies that aim to assist former combatants of all types in the aftermath of conflict.

Thank you, again, to all who have contributed and shown their support. Every little bit helps!

~Jennifer

Inspired by all of the support I have received,
I spent my Saturday morning writing (by hand)
over fourteen pages of my project.
Thank you for the added drive!

Cessation of Child Recruitment: A public health approach to a political and social problem

My experience as a public health professional has provided perspective and insight into my career as a political scientist in several ways. One way in which my cross-disciplinary training has been useful is in regard to the study of child soldiering. Specifically, my research is interested in the ways in which child soldiering (that is, the forced and/or coerced recruitment of children under the age of 16) can be prevented. Many public health and political projects that deal with the issue of child soldiering examine the causes and outcomes of the practice, but they do not explore the possibility of prevention. I argue that prevention of child soldiering is not only possible, but is a key component in the cessation of mass atrocity and crimes against humanity within the context of irregular warfare. The following is a very brief outline of this argument, including the theoretical groundings upon which the argument is based.

Preventing Prevalence of PTSD Among Children in Conflict Settings:

A Social Cognitive Theory Approach to Targeting Armed Forces as a Means to

Ceasing Forced Recruitment of Children in the Great Lakes Region

Health Issue, Behavior and Priority Group

The prevalence of malignant forms of PTSD in former child soldiers on the African continent threatens to hamper efforts for post-conflict community reconstruction.  The only way to effectively decrease the number of children diagnosed with malignant PTSD is to cease the forced recruitment of children from within refugee camps, particularly in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.  The priority group for intervention implementation is composed of those individuals who are forcefully recruiting children into the armed forces within the Great Lakes Region refugee camps.

Summary of the Literature on Determinants of Forced Recruitment by Armed Forces

According to several studies, the way in which recruiting soldiers view their own environment and situation, in addition to that of the children they are charged with recruiting, may influence their behavior.  Four studies cited external factors in the recruiters’ environments, such as their military comrades and political affiliation as constructs directly affecting their recruiting behavior, (Maxted, 2003; Andvig and Gates, 2006; Singer, 2006; Lischer, 2006).  In addition, four studies also mentioned the situation, or perceived social status within ranks and perceived importance to their community, may be able to be influenced in such a way that soldiers no longer feel the pressure from environmental factors to recruit children, (Maxted, 2003; Aning and McIntyre, 2005; Singer, 2006; Beber and Blattman, 2008).  Soldiers are often told that the only way to bring order to their people is to control those who presumably do not have the capacity to thrive independently, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005).  Soldiers are conditioned to believe that if they recruit children who would otherwise be a menace to society, their country will benefit.  This conditioning builds outcome expectations among recruiting soldiers as to what will happen if they choose to recruit children into the armed forces, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005; Blattman, 2007).  Governments equate the benefit of the country as a whole with the benefit of those who assisted in its protection and support, thereby creating positive outcome expectancies for those who choose to forcefully recruit children into the armed forces, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005). 

Rationale for Social Cognitive Theory and Analysis of Determinants

            The most pervasive constructs in discussion regarding change in recruitment behavior come from the Social Cognitive Theory.  Due to the interpersonal nature of military culture, as well as the profound impact of state activities on the activities of the military, the Social Cognitive Theory is the best model by which to formulate an intervention program targeting soldiers who recruit children for service.  Utilizing the Principle of Reciprocal Determinism, it is hypothesized that by affecting environmental influences, such as implementing and enforcing the international laws and rules of warfare in areas where formal conflict exists, and by altering soldiers’ situation and outcome expectations (thereby affecting their outcome expectancies), military units will cease forceful recruit of children from refugee camps in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.  One recommendation for further research would be to understand the role that self-efficacy plays in individual soldiers’ intention to cease recruitment children from refugee camps.  As self-efficacy is the single most important construct of the Social Cognitive Theory, it is imperative that program developers understand how best to improve soldiers’ confidence in choosing not to recruit children.  Lack of volitional control, however, will continue to be the greatest barrier in tackling cessation of child recruitment.  

Copyright 2013 Jennifer M Kerner, M.P.H.

Please contact the author before reproducing this publication in whole or in part: jmkerner@unm.edu

Andvig, J.C. and Gates, S.  (2006).  “Recruiting Children for Armed Conflict.”  Keynote address at the Dutch Flemish Association for Economy and Peace.

Aning, K. and McIntyre, A.  (2005).  “From Youth Rebellion to Child Abduction: The Anatomy of Recruitment in Sierre Leone.”  In Invisible Stakeholders: Children and War in Africa, Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies.

*Beber, B. and Blattman, C.  (2008).  “Rebels without a Cause: The Use of Coercion and Children in Guerrilla Warfare.”  Lecture printed by Columbia University Press.

*Blattman, C.  (2007).  “The Causes of Child Soldiering: Theory and Evidence from Northern Uganda.”  Lecture printed by University of California Press.

*Lischer, S.K.  (2006).  “War, Displacement, and the Recruitment of Child Soldiers.”  Lecture printed by Wake Forest University Press.

Maxted, J.  (2003).  “Children and Armed Conflict in Africa.”  Social Identities, 9(1):51-72.

Singer, P.W.  (2006).  “The Enablers of War: Casual Factors behind the Child Soldier Phenomenon.”  The Brookings Institute.

*Transcripts of lectures were provided following personal request.  Copies of these papers are immediately available upon request.