Preparing for Fieldwork in Central Africa

We are still waiting for news out of Kenya regarding the next President, but several sources are reporting that Kenyatta is showing a sustained and early lead against Odinga (Check in with AllAfrica.com for updates from several local news sources). As soon as we know something decisive,  I'll post a summary and reaction on this blog.

For now, I would like to share an opportunity for you to support the work that is being done to alleviate conflict and sustain peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, South Sudan, and other areas where armed groups are engaged in politically-motivated and sustained violent activity.

I am finally at the stage in my current research endeavor where I can begin to collect data in the field. This summer, I will be traveling to Uganda to talk with individuals who are in some way involved in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration process in the Great Lakes Region. I had originally hoped to travel to Eastern DRC, but I have been selected to attend the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research in Syracuse for two weeks in the middle of the summer. This alters my time-frame such that a trip to DRC needs to wait until I can dedicate several uninterrupted months to this endeavor. A trip to Uganda will allow me to 1) establish a network of contacts on the ground in the area (and re-connect with previous contacts), 2) find out more about the DDR situation in both Western Uganda and Eastern DRC, and 3) begin to develop an original dataset that will be used to answer questions regarding ex-combatants and the reintegration process during times of conflict as well as peace. All of this work will better prepare me to conduct fieldwork in Eastern DRC at a future date.

I encourage you to visit my fundraising site to read an abstract of the project proposal, as well as other details regarding my trip. If you feel compelled to support this project, you may make a monetary donation of your choosing on the site. I will be sure to keep all donors up-to-date regarding the progress of the project. I will also include the names of donors (unless you wish to remain anonymous) in the acknowledgements section of any publication that is produced as a result of this project. I thank you in advance for any support you are willing to give. As always, feel free to contact me regarding any questions, comments, or critiques.

Who Is in Charge, Here? M23 and its response to UN sanctions

M23 Congo Rebels Fear War Over UN Sanctions This is a link to an article published in the The Independent and written by Haggai Matsiko (2013) that touches on a topic that I have been grappling with for the past several months: How should the international community (and by this, I mean IGOs, NGOs, international non-state actors in general, and state governments) treat rebel groups in the context of forging peace agreements? There are obvious dangers to raising these groups to a state-like status, but there are also drawbacks to failing to provide enough legitimacy to make negotiations meaningful for the rebel parties.

The UN has imposed sanctions and travel bans on high-ranking members of M23, spurring resentment and renewed tensions between the rebel group and the government of the DRC. The sanctions were imposed following investigations into accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is the responsibility of the UN to intervene in situations where civilians are being targeted, harmed, and killed, regardless of whether the perpetrator is a state or non-state actor. But the government of the DRC warns that such actions by the UN will only inflame the situation, bringing about more destruction and loss of life. It appears as though M23 has enough control over the fragile situation in Eastern DRC to hold state governments at bay . . . but what of the international community? To what extent is the UN willing to provide support to DRC civilians in light of the sanctions the UN has imposed on M23? We must not be satisfied with precedent and status quo, but we, especially scholars of transitional justice, but continually ask ourselves questions regarding responsibility, power, control, and enforcement. These negotiations with M23 will not end quickly. Let us see whether this group remains resolute about an independent territory in North Kivu.

DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

The latest attempt to foster peace in Eastern DRC . . . This time, instead of drafting an entirely new document, the parties involved have revised and recommitted to tenets of past peace agreements. One aspect of this newest development that I find interesting is the new focus on citizenship and its role in the conflict. It is common knowledge for individuals in this area of Africa that citizenship as a Congolese is both poorly documented and highly politicized. Apparently, this issue has been addressed in the latest talks:

"According to a statement issued yesterday, the talks will tackle the effective implementation of the law on citizenship and its application on the ground in view of the fight against discrimination" (Muramira 2013).


Another area of interest in these talks is the inclusion of a discussion regarding the release of political and war prisoners. It will be interesting to see what level (or levels) of judicial decision-making and enforcement will be employed to this end. In the past, amnesty was the largest bargaining chip in Eastern DRC peace agreements. Could there be continued bargaining, not just between the national government and rebel leaders, but among local officials, foreign national governments, and third-party organizations?


Muramira, Gashegu. (2013). "DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks." allAfrica.com, 17 January 2013. 
allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks