Funding Update: Seeing the "Big Picture"

At an orphanage near Uromi, Nigeria in the summer of 2006.
Never forget what is most important about the work you do.
For me, the most important aspect of this project is
safeguarding the futures of the individuals who survive violent
conflict in whatever way(s) I am able. In the words of my father,
 "At the end of the day, no matter what happens, no matter what you've
lost or won, it's people that matter."

Every now and then, when you're up to your eyeballs in research and you're having difficulty finding the light at the end of the tunnel . . . you have a breakthrough. Today was one of those days. Thanks to the unwavering enthusiasm of my mentor/advisor, as well as that of my family and close friends, I have managed to draft an outline of the ways in which the research I have done, both at Indiana University and the University of New Mexico, up to this point fits into a broader project pursuant to the goal of making the world a safer and more promising place in the wake of violent conflict. It is my hope that I can use this trip this summer to set in motion a research program that addresses concerns related to mental health, children, single parent families, domestic abuse, and indigenous solutions . . . all within the context of ending politically-motivated violent conflict and establishing a workable, sustainable peace.

Some might ask whether the goal should be preventing conflict from occurring in the first place. I argue that by focusing on improving reconstructive and transitional justice mechanisms and institutions, peace will become more durable and more readily disseminated in areas that are at-risk for violent conflict. (Extant research shows that there are risk-factors related to internal conflict and civil war, making these events predictable to some extent). But by ignoring what can be done in the post-conflict period in order to focus on preventing the outbreak of violent conflict in areas identified as high-risk, we are missing an opportunity for conflict/peace research and meaningful policy recommendations that could contribute to quelling poverty, hunger, domestic violence, etc., and improving economies, health outcomes, and the futures of hundreds of thousands of individuals. 

I also have three working papers that I expect to complete by the second week in May. The first considers how combatants and ex-combatants are represented in post-conflict democratic elections vis-a-vis the development of electoral rules. The second applies a theory of organization and co-optation to the development and implementation of demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration programs. The third is a research note regarding the recent national election in Kenya. Now that I have a formal and central thread throughout all of my work, I feel even more confident that the project this summer, as well as the subsequent research that is sure to follow, is imperative for the development of policies that aim to assist former combatants of all types in the aftermath of conflict.

Thank you, again, to all who have contributed and shown their support. Every little bit helps!

~Jennifer

Inspired by all of the support I have received,
I spent my Saturday morning writing (by hand)
over fourteen pages of my project.
Thank you for the added drive!

Research Project Update: Atlas.ti Software!

In case you have not checked out my funding site, I wanted to share an update regarding the progress I have made on my field paper/dissertation project. Thanks to generous donations, I was able to purchase, download, and start working with Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative software. Below is the update posted on my funding site:

Thanks to the generous donations I've received so far, I was able to purchase and download Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative analysis software! For a "qualie" (term of endearment for someone who specializes in the use of qualitative empirical research methods), the Atlas.ti software is a dream come true. It was not long ago that researchers interested in mix-methods or grounded theory (see Kathy Charmaz (2006) for an overview of grounded theory) had to do all of this data entry and coding by hand. My first qualitative project, a narrative analysis of intimate partner violence survivors, was all by hand and I only used seven interviews. I cannot imagine what a monster this project would be if it were not for the comprehensive and easy-to-use Atlas.ti software. Of course, Atlas.ti is not the only qualitative analysis software on the market. There are certainly die-hard InVivo and NUD*IST users out there. I've tried all three software choices and find that, for a mixed-methods researcher, Atlas.ti is the most user-friendly. One of the aspects of this software that I am thrilled about with regards to my upcoming fieldwork is the ability to effortlessly upload survey responses into the program and code for themes among the quantitative, as well as qualitative data. The program allows me to combine all of my data sources into one aggregate analysis, if I so choose. What usually happens is that researchers present a qualitative and quantitative analysis together, but separately, in a paper. With Atlas.ti, I have the ability to combine them to produce what (I hope) will be a much more meaningful and in-depth understanding of why and how ex-combatants choose to defect from reintegration programs in the post-conflict period.

Thank you again to everyone who has supported me on this journey! I will continue to post updates and share exciting milestones along the way!

Cheers,

Jennifer

Preparing for Fieldwork in Central Africa

We are still waiting for news out of Kenya regarding the next President, but several sources are reporting that Kenyatta is showing a sustained and early lead against Odinga (Check in with AllAfrica.com for updates from several local news sources). As soon as we know something decisive,  I'll post a summary and reaction on this blog.

For now, I would like to share an opportunity for you to support the work that is being done to alleviate conflict and sustain peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, South Sudan, and other areas where armed groups are engaged in politically-motivated and sustained violent activity.

I am finally at the stage in my current research endeavor where I can begin to collect data in the field. This summer, I will be traveling to Uganda to talk with individuals who are in some way involved in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration process in the Great Lakes Region. I had originally hoped to travel to Eastern DRC, but I have been selected to attend the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research in Syracuse for two weeks in the middle of the summer. This alters my time-frame such that a trip to DRC needs to wait until I can dedicate several uninterrupted months to this endeavor. A trip to Uganda will allow me to 1) establish a network of contacts on the ground in the area (and re-connect with previous contacts), 2) find out more about the DDR situation in both Western Uganda and Eastern DRC, and 3) begin to develop an original dataset that will be used to answer questions regarding ex-combatants and the reintegration process during times of conflict as well as peace. All of this work will better prepare me to conduct fieldwork in Eastern DRC at a future date.

I encourage you to visit my fundraising site to read an abstract of the project proposal, as well as other details regarding my trip. If you feel compelled to support this project, you may make a monetary donation of your choosing on the site. I will be sure to keep all donors up-to-date regarding the progress of the project. I will also include the names of donors (unless you wish to remain anonymous) in the acknowledgements section of any publication that is produced as a result of this project. I thank you in advance for any support you are willing to give. As always, feel free to contact me regarding any questions, comments, or critiques.

Reparations in the Midst of Violence: Impractical Solution or Opportunity for Peace?

Recent goings-on in Ituri (Democratic Republic of Congo) have brought to light an issue at the forefront of the study of transitional justice. Reparation, or the compensation of victims of human rights abuses, war crimes, and mass atrocities, is a key component of the process by which a community or state deals with the past in order to pave the way for a peaceful future. Reparations are not meant to erase the past, nor are they meant to assuage victims and their families in the name of "moving on." But reparations must be addressed and disseminated in a timely and appropriate manner by the responsible parties to the entitled victims. The process by which reparations are awarded is lengthy and arduous. It can also be dangerous given that both victims and perpetrators are often brought to the witness stand to get at the truth of what has happened and the extent to which victims are entitled reparations and perpetrators are guilty.

Read the short report by the ICTJ on reparations for crimes committed by Congolese state military members:
International Center for Transitional Justice: Reparations in the DRC

In the DRC, particularly in the North Kivu provence, trials of rebel leaders, state military officers, and other perpetrators are ongoing, even as the conflict in the region rages on. One might wonder whether it is practical and cost-effective to hold trials and truth commissions in the midst of a conflict that is ongoing. I argue that, while the logistics of holding such trials and, as is mentioned in the article, the feasibility of enforcing the outcomes of trials, are difficult to achieve, the visible presence of justice in an area struggling to reach peaceful settlements is paramount to the overall transition period between conflict and peace. The importance of enforcing the reparations policies in the DRC is not only material (and the material aspect cannot be over-emphasized), but also immaterial. Follow-through on the part of the national government to recognize victims and secure for them the care and dignity to which they are entitled, sends a strong message to the entire country that the government acts in pursuit of justice, rather than pursuit of supporting the "winning side," regardless of whether or not that "winning side" belongs to rebels, warlords, and/or rogue members of the Congolese state military. Reparations then become symbolic as well as material, practical for the recovery of victims, as well as ideologically important for those communities that remain the last bastions of non- or anti-rebel territory. In this particular case, they also send a strong message to Congolese citizens that the Congolese national military is not immune to the law and will be held accountable for the crimes its members commit.

Who Is in Charge, Here? M23 and its response to UN sanctions

M23 Congo Rebels Fear War Over UN Sanctions This is a link to an article published in the The Independent and written by Haggai Matsiko (2013) that touches on a topic that I have been grappling with for the past several months: How should the international community (and by this, I mean IGOs, NGOs, international non-state actors in general, and state governments) treat rebel groups in the context of forging peace agreements? There are obvious dangers to raising these groups to a state-like status, but there are also drawbacks to failing to provide enough legitimacy to make negotiations meaningful for the rebel parties.

The UN has imposed sanctions and travel bans on high-ranking members of M23, spurring resentment and renewed tensions between the rebel group and the government of the DRC. The sanctions were imposed following investigations into accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is the responsibility of the UN to intervene in situations where civilians are being targeted, harmed, and killed, regardless of whether the perpetrator is a state or non-state actor. But the government of the DRC warns that such actions by the UN will only inflame the situation, bringing about more destruction and loss of life. It appears as though M23 has enough control over the fragile situation in Eastern DRC to hold state governments at bay . . . but what of the international community? To what extent is the UN willing to provide support to DRC civilians in light of the sanctions the UN has imposed on M23? We must not be satisfied with precedent and status quo, but we, especially scholars of transitional justice, but continually ask ourselves questions regarding responsibility, power, control, and enforcement. These negotiations with M23 will not end quickly. Let us see whether this group remains resolute about an independent territory in North Kivu.

DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

The latest attempt to foster peace in Eastern DRC . . . This time, instead of drafting an entirely new document, the parties involved have revised and recommitted to tenets of past peace agreements. One aspect of this newest development that I find interesting is the new focus on citizenship and its role in the conflict. It is common knowledge for individuals in this area of Africa that citizenship as a Congolese is both poorly documented and highly politicized. Apparently, this issue has been addressed in the latest talks:

"According to a statement issued yesterday, the talks will tackle the effective implementation of the law on citizenship and its application on the ground in view of the fight against discrimination" (Muramira 2013).


Another area of interest in these talks is the inclusion of a discussion regarding the release of political and war prisoners. It will be interesting to see what level (or levels) of judicial decision-making and enforcement will be employed to this end. In the past, amnesty was the largest bargaining chip in Eastern DRC peace agreements. Could there be continued bargaining, not just between the national government and rebel leaders, but among local officials, foreign national governments, and third-party organizations?


Muramira, Gashegu. (2013). "DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks." allAfrica.com, 17 January 2013. 
allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

Congo’s M23 conflict: Rebellion or resource war? (Op-Ed)

When I discuss my work, I often use the term "rebel group" to identify the many non-state groups involved in the conflict in Eastern DRC. This label is sometimes criticized as a misnomer by those who argue that the conflict in Eastern DRC is a war about control over resources rather than an attempt to overthrow, change, or replace the national government. I argue that, for sustained conflicts, such as the one in Eastern DRC, it is difficult to parse out exactly what the goals of each actor are with regards to interests in the conflict. Is Eastern DRC, including both conflict and transitional justice components, primarily an economic story (opportunity)? Is it primarily a grievance story? Or could it be a combination of the two?

In an article by Nile Bowie (RT.com, January 14th, 2013) (Rebellion or resource war?), this question of rebel motives is discussed. At the end of the article, the author brings up an important factor that contributes to the conflict process in Eastern DRC:

"If Kabila wants to stay in power, he needs the capability of exercising authority over the entire country. Sanctions should be imposed on top-level Rwandan and Ugandan officials and all military aid should be withheld; additionally, Rwandan strongman Paul Kagame should be investigated and removed from his position."

The factor alluded to in this paragraph is that of geographical proximity. The area of DRC is 2,345,000 km² (905,600 sq miles). Kinshasa (the capital of DRC) is on the opposite side of the country from North Kivu province. Rwanda and Uganda are closer in proximity to this area than the DRC's national government. Elsewhere in the article, it is suggested that by diminishing the size of rebel groups (of which there are around 40 in the DRC), the national government may be able to gain more control over the Eastern provinces. How could this be accomplished? Given their close proximity to the area most affected by conflict, how involved (and in what ways) should Rwanda and Uganda play a role in this situation? Consider, also, the enormity of the IDP (internally displaced persons) and refugee situations that are resulting from this conflict. Consider the geo-political consequences of state, IGO, and NGO decision-making.