Research Updates, Travel Plans, and News Out of Africa

With the successful end of another semester, I have been preparing for a summer full of research and writing opportunities. The first half of the summer will be spent developing the research design for my dissertation which will then be workshopped at the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research (IQMR) towards the middle and end of June. I am also the manager for Dr. Christian Davenport (University of Michigan) and Dr. Kathy Powers (University of New Mexico) for a project that considers the myriad ways in which reparations are indicated, implemented, and disseminated among different populations and under varying conditions. Additionally, Ms. Brittany Ortiz, M.A. (University of New Mexico) and I are conducting a pilot study this summer for a larger project that considers questions related to memorials, collective memory, transitional justice, and mass atrocity. The pilot study this summer will be one of several studies and projects that will be carried out during my time in Uganda (a seven-week journey that will include stays in Gulu and Kitgum, among other areas in the West and North). Mr. Lars B. Parkin (Scouler & Company) will be joining me on my travels to and within Uganda as companion and assistant. Together, we plan to collect valuable data to be compiled into a brand new dataset, gather information to develop/complete several research projects, explore opportunities for future research endeavors, and blog about our experiences along the way. I will also be offering to hold brief informational question/answer Skype sessions with classes and groups while we are in Uganda. (Please contact me directly if you are interested in taking advantage of this opportunity - jennikerner@gmail.com).

Source: University of Florida

Meanwhile, the situation in the Central African Republic (CAR) is deteriorating (UN Calls for Sanctions Against Seleka). Seleka, after its successful overthrow of the federal government, has been accused of committing human rights violations and acts of violent aggression against innocent populations. These acts are apparently retribution or vengeance for past wrongs. With South Sudan still developing after its independence in July 2011 (South Sudan and the Issue of Decentralization), as well as the volatile situations in both Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and Northwestern Uganda, it remains to be seen whether and how Seleka will be stopped from committing these human rights violations. Another concern is, if they are successfully halted in their criminal activities, how will they be brought to justice? These situations bring to mind the complex interweb of national, subnational, and international organizations that may or may not be able to press charges against collectives of individuals with formal political affiliation who, not only control a country's government, but also play the role of adversary to many of that same country's citizens.

In an editorial published in the Kampala Observer (Ugandan Journalism and the Right to Know), the issue of "the right to know" has been highlighted in regards to recent accusations that journalists were not fairly portraying information about Tinyefuza (General David Sejusa) who has been accused of committing human rights violations and meddling in government affairs. While this situation may seem relatively unimportant given the security concerns present in the rest of the country, the concern about dissemination of information relates to Uganda's ability to process past atrocities and deal with present ones. If Uganda is not willing to deal with information and transparency in a direct and open manner, it is unlikely that transitional justice mechanisms meant to hold perpetrators accountable and provide appropriate justice to victims will be successful.

In the East, Liberia has official begun its peace and reconciliation process (Liberia: Peace and Reconciliation). It will be interesting to see how this process plays out so many years after the conflict has ended and perpetrators have been tried for crimes. This process also brings up questions regarding the temporal and spatial factors associated with developing and implementing transitional justice mechanisms such as truth commissions, reparations, lustration, and memorials.

I will continue to update this blog regarding activities occurring in Central Africa, and with issues related to my research. However, if you are interested in updates related to NGOs, recent news, and research opportunities related to my work, please follow my Facebook page (Jennifer M. Kerner - FB Page).

Research Project Update: Atlas.ti Software!

In case you have not checked out my funding site, I wanted to share an update regarding the progress I have made on my field paper/dissertation project. Thanks to generous donations, I was able to purchase, download, and start working with Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative software. Below is the update posted on my funding site:

Thanks to the generous donations I've received so far, I was able to purchase and download Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative analysis software! For a "qualie" (term of endearment for someone who specializes in the use of qualitative empirical research methods), the Atlas.ti software is a dream come true. It was not long ago that researchers interested in mix-methods or grounded theory (see Kathy Charmaz (2006) for an overview of grounded theory) had to do all of this data entry and coding by hand. My first qualitative project, a narrative analysis of intimate partner violence survivors, was all by hand and I only used seven interviews. I cannot imagine what a monster this project would be if it were not for the comprehensive and easy-to-use Atlas.ti software. Of course, Atlas.ti is not the only qualitative analysis software on the market. There are certainly die-hard InVivo and NUD*IST users out there. I've tried all three software choices and find that, for a mixed-methods researcher, Atlas.ti is the most user-friendly. One of the aspects of this software that I am thrilled about with regards to my upcoming fieldwork is the ability to effortlessly upload survey responses into the program and code for themes among the quantitative, as well as qualitative data. The program allows me to combine all of my data sources into one aggregate analysis, if I so choose. What usually happens is that researchers present a qualitative and quantitative analysis together, but separately, in a paper. With Atlas.ti, I have the ability to combine them to produce what (I hope) will be a much more meaningful and in-depth understanding of why and how ex-combatants choose to defect from reintegration programs in the post-conflict period.

Thank you again to everyone who has supported me on this journey! I will continue to post updates and share exciting milestones along the way!

Cheers,

Jennifer

Preparing for Fieldwork in Central Africa

We are still waiting for news out of Kenya regarding the next President, but several sources are reporting that Kenyatta is showing a sustained and early lead against Odinga (Check in with AllAfrica.com for updates from several local news sources). As soon as we know something decisive,  I'll post a summary and reaction on this blog.

For now, I would like to share an opportunity for you to support the work that is being done to alleviate conflict and sustain peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, South Sudan, and other areas where armed groups are engaged in politically-motivated and sustained violent activity.

I am finally at the stage in my current research endeavor where I can begin to collect data in the field. This summer, I will be traveling to Uganda to talk with individuals who are in some way involved in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration process in the Great Lakes Region. I had originally hoped to travel to Eastern DRC, but I have been selected to attend the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research in Syracuse for two weeks in the middle of the summer. This alters my time-frame such that a trip to DRC needs to wait until I can dedicate several uninterrupted months to this endeavor. A trip to Uganda will allow me to 1) establish a network of contacts on the ground in the area (and re-connect with previous contacts), 2) find out more about the DDR situation in both Western Uganda and Eastern DRC, and 3) begin to develop an original dataset that will be used to answer questions regarding ex-combatants and the reintegration process during times of conflict as well as peace. All of this work will better prepare me to conduct fieldwork in Eastern DRC at a future date.

I encourage you to visit my fundraising site to read an abstract of the project proposal, as well as other details regarding my trip. If you feel compelled to support this project, you may make a monetary donation of your choosing on the site. I will be sure to keep all donors up-to-date regarding the progress of the project. I will also include the names of donors (unless you wish to remain anonymous) in the acknowledgements section of any publication that is produced as a result of this project. I thank you in advance for any support you are willing to give. As always, feel free to contact me regarding any questions, comments, or critiques.

IRIN News Video Series Regarding Today's Elections in Kenya

For a short introduction into the key issues and themes surrounding today's election in Kenya, please watch this video by IRIN News. You can view their entire report on the situation here: No Ordinary Elections.

Reparations in the Midst of Violence: Impractical Solution or Opportunity for Peace?

Recent goings-on in Ituri (Democratic Republic of Congo) have brought to light an issue at the forefront of the study of transitional justice. Reparation, or the compensation of victims of human rights abuses, war crimes, and mass atrocities, is a key component of the process by which a community or state deals with the past in order to pave the way for a peaceful future. Reparations are not meant to erase the past, nor are they meant to assuage victims and their families in the name of "moving on." But reparations must be addressed and disseminated in a timely and appropriate manner by the responsible parties to the entitled victims. The process by which reparations are awarded is lengthy and arduous. It can also be dangerous given that both victims and perpetrators are often brought to the witness stand to get at the truth of what has happened and the extent to which victims are entitled reparations and perpetrators are guilty.

Read the short report by the ICTJ on reparations for crimes committed by Congolese state military members:
International Center for Transitional Justice: Reparations in the DRC

In the DRC, particularly in the North Kivu provence, trials of rebel leaders, state military officers, and other perpetrators are ongoing, even as the conflict in the region rages on. One might wonder whether it is practical and cost-effective to hold trials and truth commissions in the midst of a conflict that is ongoing. I argue that, while the logistics of holding such trials and, as is mentioned in the article, the feasibility of enforcing the outcomes of trials, are difficult to achieve, the visible presence of justice in an area struggling to reach peaceful settlements is paramount to the overall transition period between conflict and peace. The importance of enforcing the reparations policies in the DRC is not only material (and the material aspect cannot be over-emphasized), but also immaterial. Follow-through on the part of the national government to recognize victims and secure for them the care and dignity to which they are entitled, sends a strong message to the entire country that the government acts in pursuit of justice, rather than pursuit of supporting the "winning side," regardless of whether or not that "winning side" belongs to rebels, warlords, and/or rogue members of the Congolese state military. Reparations then become symbolic as well as material, practical for the recovery of victims, as well as ideologically important for those communities that remain the last bastions of non- or anti-rebel territory. In this particular case, they also send a strong message to Congolese citizens that the Congolese national military is not immune to the law and will be held accountable for the crimes its members commit.