New Website on Weebly

Thank you for visiting. Please follow the link below to my website. The new website will allow me to include more information, project links, and multimedia. This blog will be discontinued on December 31, 2013.

Jennifer M. Kerner @ Weebly.com

Thank you,

JMK

The Travel Blog Analog

For my loyal followers (you patient masses, you), I will be posting primarily on my travel blog from now until September. I am currently attending the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research in Syracuse and will be traveling in Uganda from July 2 - August 13. Please refer to the travel blog for research updates, insights, travel experiences, and other news.

Thanks for checking in!

Travel Blog: Lars and Jennifer in Uganda

Facing Fears and Going Beyond

On my flight from Albuquerque to Chicago (en route to Syracuse), I was flipping through the in-flight magazine (as is customary during the pre-“approved electronics” period) and one article* in particular grabbed my attention. It is an article by Arielle Castillo entitled “Staying Strong.” The article chronicles the life of one man, Nick Scott, in his journey to overcoming the obstacles associated with losing the use of his legs. But Mr. Scott does more than overcome. He dominates.

Nick Scott lost the use of his legs when he was 18 due to a horrific vehicular accident. After some time living in the “dark and twisty” aftermath of his accident, Nick somehow found the courage and motivation to pull himself out. He began weightlifting and eventually became involved in the sport of wheelchair bodybuilding. Now 31, Mr. Scott has been involved (and performed very well) in several sports, including IPC Wheelchair Dance. The article goes in depth into how Nick was able to redefine his life and purpose, but one quote really hit home for me.

“To leave a legacy, you’ve got to do stuff that’s unheard of. You have to do the unthinkable and do the stuff you fear. That’s what this is about – pushing beyond.”

Lately, I feel that I have been taking the famous quote “Do one thing every day that scares you” to a literal extreme. I have taken many risks over the past six years, to my person and my career. Not every one of those risks has paid off in full, I’ll admit. But not once have I felt even an ounce of regret. I often ask myself why I push so hard, why I ask so much of myself, and why I can’t just be satisfied with achieving my mid-level goals. There are several answers.

First, in order to truly learn about oneself and about the world, one has to make mistakes. I didn’t understand this until I was almost out of college. My greatest fear growing up was failure. Because of this fear, I often shied away from opportunities and challenges. I desperately wanted more out of my life (U.S. Olympic Equestrian Team, marine biologist on one of Jacque Coustou’s famous vessels, Broadway actress, UNHCR Executive Director), but I was afraid that, in pursuing these dreams, that I would fail. And failure was not acceptable.

But as I made my way through my college career, tasting, for the first time, the feeling of having to own up to one’s strengths and weaknesses, I realized that failure (or, if you prefer, unsuccessful attempts), were truly learning experiences. I have learned more (and my future children will roll their eyes at this point when they receive this pep talk) from my mistakes and failures than I have from my successes.** And, knowing this, it is also true that, without risk-taking, without grabbing at opportunities at which you may have only a 20% chance of succeeding, you will not learn and you will not grow. Period.

Second, it is my personal belief that we are on this earth to enjoy all that we can, to celebrate each other, and to help one another when we see that there is a need. I used to think that human beings existed only as vessels for service to others, but as I have matured, I have come to appreciate that my personal happiness and satisfaction with my life is just as important as my service to others. In order to thoroughly appreciate the blessings in my life, in my experience as a member of the human race, therefore, I feel that it is my prerogative to educate myself about everyone else who is also a part of this human experience. And that type of learning can only happen when you reach beyond the borders of your comfort zone. One doesn’t necessarily have to physically place oneself in another culture or community. Rather, it is idea that, whatever your preconceived notions, whatever your subconscious prejudices, and whatever your creed, consider what may exist beyond those boundaries. If you possess a conviction, consider the counterfactual. This is not to say that you should not possess any strong convictions or attitudes about the world; indeed, you should. But in order to truly understand your own perspective, you must consider that of someone else.

I have been accused of waffling, of being “soft” or idealistic when it comes to certain issues. For instance, my studies often consider the combatant perspective of engaging in warfare, even when the conflict includes episodes of torture, rape, child abduction, and massacre. This is not to say that I side with combatants, or that I take pity on them. This is quite far from the truth. I am a staunch pacifist and opponent of the death penalty who believes that violence is never the last resort nor is it ever the appropriate response to any form of aggression.*** This is not to say that I have not had moments where I thought to reconsider this position. I am human, after all. And it is not to say that I do not appreciate the efforts of those who engage in combat.**** But the point is that, by considering the position and worldview of those who engage in violent conflict, I can better articulate my convictions with regards to peace and pacifism. In the long run, I hope that my queries into combatant behavior and motivation can inform programs and policies that prevent or stop conflict from occurring, as well as assist those who are transitioning from combatant life to civilian life. But in order to develop these new perspectives, in order to gain that knowledge, I have to take (prudent) personal and professional risks.

“To leave a legacy, you’ve got to do stuff that’s unheard of. You have to do the unthinkable and do the stuff you fear. That’s what this is about – pushing beyond.”

Nick Scott talks about leaving a legacy. To me, this means creating something, an idea or a path, that outlasts the creator. It means taking what one has learned and sharing it with others so that they may also benefit from that knowledge. It means being unselfish with one’s successes and mistakes. It means contributing to the betterment of humanity, no matter how big or small that contribution may seem. I want to leave a legacy for my students, for my family, for those who have graciously assisted me with my educational journey, for those who have experienced my failures right alongside of me, and for my future children. I want them to understand that fear is insightful, that taking chances is as important as daily exercise, that boundaries are meant to be explored with prudence, and that they are part of something much bigger than themselves.

So I say to you, reader, take a risk. Do the unthinkable. Face your fears. And push beyond. Your rewards will be innumerable.

*Arielle, Castillo. 2013. “Staying Strong.” American Way Magazine, June 15.

**I actually have an entire notebook dedicated to lessons I learned when things didn’t work out. It has been very useful on more than a few occasions.

***My greatest personal struggle has been with my attitude towards self-defense. Having had occasion to use it myself, I often wonder whether I am altruistically against the use of violence, or whether I believe that the use of violence must be taken into context. I have not yet come to a conclusion on this issue.

****I am and have been actively involved in several veterans associations, including the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund, Horses for Heroes, and the Wounded Warrior Project.

Research Updates, Travel Plans, and News Out of Africa

With the successful end of another semester, I have been preparing for a summer full of research and writing opportunities. The first half of the summer will be spent developing the research design for my dissertation which will then be workshopped at the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research (IQMR) towards the middle and end of June. I am also the manager for Dr. Christian Davenport (University of Michigan) and Dr. Kathy Powers (University of New Mexico) for a project that considers the myriad ways in which reparations are indicated, implemented, and disseminated among different populations and under varying conditions. Additionally, Ms. Brittany Ortiz, M.A. (University of New Mexico) and I are conducting a pilot study this summer for a larger project that considers questions related to memorials, collective memory, transitional justice, and mass atrocity. The pilot study this summer will be one of several studies and projects that will be carried out during my time in Uganda (a seven-week journey that will include stays in Gulu and Kitgum, among other areas in the West and North). Mr. Lars B. Parkin (Scouler & Company) will be joining me on my travels to and within Uganda as companion and assistant. Together, we plan to collect valuable data to be compiled into a brand new dataset, gather information to develop/complete several research projects, explore opportunities for future research endeavors, and blog about our experiences along the way. I will also be offering to hold brief informational question/answer Skype sessions with classes and groups while we are in Uganda. (Please contact me directly if you are interested in taking advantage of this opportunity - jennikerner@gmail.com).

Source: University of Florida

Meanwhile, the situation in the Central African Republic (CAR) is deteriorating (UN Calls for Sanctions Against Seleka). Seleka, after its successful overthrow of the federal government, has been accused of committing human rights violations and acts of violent aggression against innocent populations. These acts are apparently retribution or vengeance for past wrongs. With South Sudan still developing after its independence in July 2011 (South Sudan and the Issue of Decentralization), as well as the volatile situations in both Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and Northwestern Uganda, it remains to be seen whether and how Seleka will be stopped from committing these human rights violations. Another concern is, if they are successfully halted in their criminal activities, how will they be brought to justice? These situations bring to mind the complex interweb of national, subnational, and international organizations that may or may not be able to press charges against collectives of individuals with formal political affiliation who, not only control a country's government, but also play the role of adversary to many of that same country's citizens.

In an editorial published in the Kampala Observer (Ugandan Journalism and the Right to Know), the issue of "the right to know" has been highlighted in regards to recent accusations that journalists were not fairly portraying information about Tinyefuza (General David Sejusa) who has been accused of committing human rights violations and meddling in government affairs. While this situation may seem relatively unimportant given the security concerns present in the rest of the country, the concern about dissemination of information relates to Uganda's ability to process past atrocities and deal with present ones. If Uganda is not willing to deal with information and transparency in a direct and open manner, it is unlikely that transitional justice mechanisms meant to hold perpetrators accountable and provide appropriate justice to victims will be successful.

In the East, Liberia has official begun its peace and reconciliation process (Liberia: Peace and Reconciliation). It will be interesting to see how this process plays out so many years after the conflict has ended and perpetrators have been tried for crimes. This process also brings up questions regarding the temporal and spatial factors associated with developing and implementing transitional justice mechanisms such as truth commissions, reparations, lustration, and memorials.

I will continue to update this blog regarding activities occurring in Central Africa, and with issues related to my research. However, if you are interested in updates related to NGOs, recent news, and research opportunities related to my work, please follow my Facebook page (Jennifer M. Kerner - FB Page).

New website: Ex-Combatant Reintegration

Dear friends and followers:

You will notice that I have added a link to the column on the right. Ex-Combatant Reintegration is a webpage dedicated to my research regarding demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration of combatants and former combatants, particularly in the Great Lakes region of Africa. This summer, I will be taking a trip to Uganda to explore what is being done in the North and other areas of the country with regard to ex-combatant reintegration. A preliminary exploration, this trip is intended to serve as a first-step toward conducting in-depth field research in conflict areas in and around the North Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The website is brand new and will probably not receive any attention until May 15th. However, once it is up and running, you can expect updates and commentary regarding ex-combatant reintegration in Uganda, including personal reflections and experiences.

Please check back for more updates. Illness and the whirlwind of the end of the semester have kept me away, but I will be back with more updates and commentary soon!

Thanks for following!
Jennifer

Peace and Conflict Organizations and Institutes Database

Considering a career in peace studies or conflict management? Interested in an internship or a postdoc fellowship? Tired of Googling or searching on Idealist for 500 iterations of "peace+conflict+job+career+internship"?

I present to you an excel spreadsheet that currently contains over 90 such organizations. I have included the name of each organization and, as I work on the spreadsheet, the city (or cities) where the organization is located, programs of note, contact information, and a website. Note that not all of the information has been provided for each organization. I will keep working on the spreadsheet and, as I do, this link (which I will place in my "links" section) will be updated.

Peace and Conflict Organizations and Institutes Database

Enjoy!

(Also, if you have any suggestions for organizations that are not found in the database, please contact me or comment below).

Funding Update: Seeing the "Big Picture"

At an orphanage near Uromi, Nigeria in the summer of 2006.
Never forget what is most important about the work you do.
For me, the most important aspect of this project is
safeguarding the futures of the individuals who survive violent
conflict in whatever way(s) I am able. In the words of my father,
 "At the end of the day, no matter what happens, no matter what you've
lost or won, it's people that matter."

Every now and then, when you're up to your eyeballs in research and you're having difficulty finding the light at the end of the tunnel . . . you have a breakthrough. Today was one of those days. Thanks to the unwavering enthusiasm of my mentor/advisor, as well as that of my family and close friends, I have managed to draft an outline of the ways in which the research I have done, both at Indiana University and the University of New Mexico, up to this point fits into a broader project pursuant to the goal of making the world a safer and more promising place in the wake of violent conflict. It is my hope that I can use this trip this summer to set in motion a research program that addresses concerns related to mental health, children, single parent families, domestic abuse, and indigenous solutions . . . all within the context of ending politically-motivated violent conflict and establishing a workable, sustainable peace.

Some might ask whether the goal should be preventing conflict from occurring in the first place. I argue that by focusing on improving reconstructive and transitional justice mechanisms and institutions, peace will become more durable and more readily disseminated in areas that are at-risk for violent conflict. (Extant research shows that there are risk-factors related to internal conflict and civil war, making these events predictable to some extent). But by ignoring what can be done in the post-conflict period in order to focus on preventing the outbreak of violent conflict in areas identified as high-risk, we are missing an opportunity for conflict/peace research and meaningful policy recommendations that could contribute to quelling poverty, hunger, domestic violence, etc., and improving economies, health outcomes, and the futures of hundreds of thousands of individuals. 

I also have three working papers that I expect to complete by the second week in May. The first considers how combatants and ex-combatants are represented in post-conflict democratic elections vis-a-vis the development of electoral rules. The second applies a theory of organization and co-optation to the development and implementation of demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration programs. The third is a research note regarding the recent national election in Kenya. Now that I have a formal and central thread throughout all of my work, I feel even more confident that the project this summer, as well as the subsequent research that is sure to follow, is imperative for the development of policies that aim to assist former combatants of all types in the aftermath of conflict.

Thank you, again, to all who have contributed and shown their support. Every little bit helps!

~Jennifer

Inspired by all of the support I have received,
I spent my Saturday morning writing (by hand)
over fourteen pages of my project.
Thank you for the added drive!

Research Project Update: Atlas.ti Software!

In case you have not checked out my funding site, I wanted to share an update regarding the progress I have made on my field paper/dissertation project. Thanks to generous donations, I was able to purchase, download, and start working with Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative software. Below is the update posted on my funding site:

Thanks to the generous donations I've received so far, I was able to purchase and download Atlas.ti.v7 qualitative analysis software! For a "qualie" (term of endearment for someone who specializes in the use of qualitative empirical research methods), the Atlas.ti software is a dream come true. It was not long ago that researchers interested in mix-methods or grounded theory (see Kathy Charmaz (2006) for an overview of grounded theory) had to do all of this data entry and coding by hand. My first qualitative project, a narrative analysis of intimate partner violence survivors, was all by hand and I only used seven interviews. I cannot imagine what a monster this project would be if it were not for the comprehensive and easy-to-use Atlas.ti software. Of course, Atlas.ti is not the only qualitative analysis software on the market. There are certainly die-hard InVivo and NUD*IST users out there. I've tried all three software choices and find that, for a mixed-methods researcher, Atlas.ti is the most user-friendly. One of the aspects of this software that I am thrilled about with regards to my upcoming fieldwork is the ability to effortlessly upload survey responses into the program and code for themes among the quantitative, as well as qualitative data. The program allows me to combine all of my data sources into one aggregate analysis, if I so choose. What usually happens is that researchers present a qualitative and quantitative analysis together, but separately, in a paper. With Atlas.ti, I have the ability to combine them to produce what (I hope) will be a much more meaningful and in-depth understanding of why and how ex-combatants choose to defect from reintegration programs in the post-conflict period.

Thank you again to everyone who has supported me on this journey! I will continue to post updates and share exciting milestones along the way!

Cheers,

Jennifer

Rebels Propose Elections, Power-Sharing Government in CAR

Source: www.guardian.co.uk

A new development in the situation in CAR: The leaders of Seleka, the rebel coalition that has taken over the central government, have claimed that they intend to hold elections in the next three years. According to an AP article published March 25 2013, "rebel coalition chief Michel Djotodia on Monday said he would name a power-sharing government in an effort to defuse international condemnation of the coup" (AllAfrica.com). It is not yet known which parties (government, non-state, rebel group) will be given a seat in this power-sharing government. It would seem as though Seleka is attempting to usurp traditional peacekeeping and peacemaking efforts, as well as other transitional justice mechanisms often associated with violent political transition. Keep on eye on this story for the reaction of the international community, including state governments and international organizations.

Insurgency in the Central African Republic: New Questions and Familiar Cases

On March 24th, 2013, rebel groups in the Central African Republic (CAR) orchestrated a successful coup to overthrow  President Francois Bozize. The rebels now control the capital, Bangui, and President Bozize is rumored to have fled into the Democratic Republic of Congo. In December of 2012, these same rebel groups attempted a coup that eventually ended in a peace deal in January of 2013. The situation in CAR is of concern to those who study the behavior of rebel groups and rebel politics of Central African countries for several reasons:

1) The coalition of rebel groups in CAR has an identity of its own known as Seleka. Unlike rebel groups in Eastern DRC, for instance, the coalition that exists in CAR is highly centralized and effective. It is unclear from available reports the extent to which the individual armed groups that comprise Seleka maintain their own identities. However, we can assume that, at some point, these groups calculated that the costs of coordinating were less than those associated with pursuing individual missions for territorial control. Even the Mai-Mai of DRC are of a different typology than Seleka. The Mai-Mai possess several chapters throughout Eastern DRC, but they do not necessarily share the same political goals, nor are they centralized. 

Source: http://monitor.icef.com

2) The geopolitical location of the CAR is strategic in several ways. The CAR border South Sudan, DRC, Sudan, and Chad. Each of these countries is dealing with some sort of internal and transnational non-state violent group. What occurs in the CAR may promote conflict resolution in the area, or it may exacerbate the already volatile situation in the above-mentioned countries. In addition, a ripple effect (either positive or negative) may occur in those countries that are in close proximity, but not necessarily bordering CAR. 

3) CAR is a former French colony. Recently, with the Al Qaeda-inspired violence in Mali, French peacemaking and peacebuilding forces have been engaged on several fronts. Additionally, the French have been involved to some extent in the ongoing conflict in DRC. CAR, DRC, Cameroon, and Rwanda (among others) are all former French colonies. With the ongoing and recent conflicts in these countries, the question regarding the extent to which former colonizers are obligated to intervene becomes important. A related question is, if former colonizers were not obligated (legally, morally, or otherwise) to intervene in these conflicts, who would send troops for such an intervention? Is there an empirical reason why former colonizers are sent to quell conflict in former colonies, or is this a misguided moral obligation? These are questions that should be considered with regard to whether or not these interventions are wholly or in part successful.

While scholars have been addressing the above questions in some fashion or form for several years, this recent episode in the CAR brings to light the urgency with which we should be seeking the answers. At the moment, the central leadership of most of the countries in Central Africa is either deposed, compromised, or under pressure to reform their country's government. Stability is rare and often appears far out of reach. How, then, can regional politics and peacekeeping (supported, perhaps, by former colonial relationships), quell the ongoing and episodic conflicts that are occurring in Central Africa? The answer may provide insight into the utility of organizational theory as it applies to internal conflict management and resolution.


allAfrica.com: Central African Republic: After Rebels Overthrow President, UN Condemns Central African Republic Fighting

Preparing for Fieldwork in Central Africa

We are still waiting for news out of Kenya regarding the next President, but several sources are reporting that Kenyatta is showing a sustained and early lead against Odinga (Check in with AllAfrica.com for updates from several local news sources). As soon as we know something decisive,  I'll post a summary and reaction on this blog.

For now, I would like to share an opportunity for you to support the work that is being done to alleviate conflict and sustain peace in Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, South Sudan, and other areas where armed groups are engaged in politically-motivated and sustained violent activity.

I am finally at the stage in my current research endeavor where I can begin to collect data in the field. This summer, I will be traveling to Uganda to talk with individuals who are in some way involved in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration process in the Great Lakes Region. I had originally hoped to travel to Eastern DRC, but I have been selected to attend the Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Methods Research in Syracuse for two weeks in the middle of the summer. This alters my time-frame such that a trip to DRC needs to wait until I can dedicate several uninterrupted months to this endeavor. A trip to Uganda will allow me to 1) establish a network of contacts on the ground in the area (and re-connect with previous contacts), 2) find out more about the DDR situation in both Western Uganda and Eastern DRC, and 3) begin to develop an original dataset that will be used to answer questions regarding ex-combatants and the reintegration process during times of conflict as well as peace. All of this work will better prepare me to conduct fieldwork in Eastern DRC at a future date.

I encourage you to visit my fundraising site to read an abstract of the project proposal, as well as other details regarding my trip. If you feel compelled to support this project, you may make a monetary donation of your choosing on the site. I will be sure to keep all donors up-to-date regarding the progress of the project. I will also include the names of donors (unless you wish to remain anonymous) in the acknowledgements section of any publication that is produced as a result of this project. I thank you in advance for any support you are willing to give. As always, feel free to contact me regarding any questions, comments, or critiques.

IRIN News Video Series Regarding Today's Elections in Kenya

For a short introduction into the key issues and themes surrounding today's election in Kenya, please watch this video by IRIN News. You can view their entire report on the situation here: No Ordinary Elections.

Reparations in the Midst of Violence: Impractical Solution or Opportunity for Peace?

Recent goings-on in Ituri (Democratic Republic of Congo) have brought to light an issue at the forefront of the study of transitional justice. Reparation, or the compensation of victims of human rights abuses, war crimes, and mass atrocities, is a key component of the process by which a community or state deals with the past in order to pave the way for a peaceful future. Reparations are not meant to erase the past, nor are they meant to assuage victims and their families in the name of "moving on." But reparations must be addressed and disseminated in a timely and appropriate manner by the responsible parties to the entitled victims. The process by which reparations are awarded is lengthy and arduous. It can also be dangerous given that both victims and perpetrators are often brought to the witness stand to get at the truth of what has happened and the extent to which victims are entitled reparations and perpetrators are guilty.

Read the short report by the ICTJ on reparations for crimes committed by Congolese state military members:
International Center for Transitional Justice: Reparations in the DRC

In the DRC, particularly in the North Kivu provence, trials of rebel leaders, state military officers, and other perpetrators are ongoing, even as the conflict in the region rages on. One might wonder whether it is practical and cost-effective to hold trials and truth commissions in the midst of a conflict that is ongoing. I argue that, while the logistics of holding such trials and, as is mentioned in the article, the feasibility of enforcing the outcomes of trials, are difficult to achieve, the visible presence of justice in an area struggling to reach peaceful settlements is paramount to the overall transition period between conflict and peace. The importance of enforcing the reparations policies in the DRC is not only material (and the material aspect cannot be over-emphasized), but also immaterial. Follow-through on the part of the national government to recognize victims and secure for them the care and dignity to which they are entitled, sends a strong message to the entire country that the government acts in pursuit of justice, rather than pursuit of supporting the "winning side," regardless of whether or not that "winning side" belongs to rebels, warlords, and/or rogue members of the Congolese state military. Reparations then become symbolic as well as material, practical for the recovery of victims, as well as ideologically important for those communities that remain the last bastions of non- or anti-rebel territory. In this particular case, they also send a strong message to Congolese citizens that the Congolese national military is not immune to the law and will be held accountable for the crimes its members commit.

Cessation of Child Recruitment: A public health approach to a political and social problem

My experience as a public health professional has provided perspective and insight into my career as a political scientist in several ways. One way in which my cross-disciplinary training has been useful is in regard to the study of child soldiering. Specifically, my research is interested in the ways in which child soldiering (that is, the forced and/or coerced recruitment of children under the age of 16) can be prevented. Many public health and political projects that deal with the issue of child soldiering examine the causes and outcomes of the practice, but they do not explore the possibility of prevention. I argue that prevention of child soldiering is not only possible, but is a key component in the cessation of mass atrocity and crimes against humanity within the context of irregular warfare. The following is a very brief outline of this argument, including the theoretical groundings upon which the argument is based.

Preventing Prevalence of PTSD Among Children in Conflict Settings:

A Social Cognitive Theory Approach to Targeting Armed Forces as a Means to

Ceasing Forced Recruitment of Children in the Great Lakes Region

Health Issue, Behavior and Priority Group

The prevalence of malignant forms of PTSD in former child soldiers on the African continent threatens to hamper efforts for post-conflict community reconstruction.  The only way to effectively decrease the number of children diagnosed with malignant PTSD is to cease the forced recruitment of children from within refugee camps, particularly in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.  The priority group for intervention implementation is composed of those individuals who are forcefully recruiting children into the armed forces within the Great Lakes Region refugee camps.

Summary of the Literature on Determinants of Forced Recruitment by Armed Forces

According to several studies, the way in which recruiting soldiers view their own environment and situation, in addition to that of the children they are charged with recruiting, may influence their behavior.  Four studies cited external factors in the recruiters’ environments, such as their military comrades and political affiliation as constructs directly affecting their recruiting behavior, (Maxted, 2003; Andvig and Gates, 2006; Singer, 2006; Lischer, 2006).  In addition, four studies also mentioned the situation, or perceived social status within ranks and perceived importance to their community, may be able to be influenced in such a way that soldiers no longer feel the pressure from environmental factors to recruit children, (Maxted, 2003; Aning and McIntyre, 2005; Singer, 2006; Beber and Blattman, 2008).  Soldiers are often told that the only way to bring order to their people is to control those who presumably do not have the capacity to thrive independently, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005).  Soldiers are conditioned to believe that if they recruit children who would otherwise be a menace to society, their country will benefit.  This conditioning builds outcome expectations among recruiting soldiers as to what will happen if they choose to recruit children into the armed forces, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005; Blattman, 2007).  Governments equate the benefit of the country as a whole with the benefit of those who assisted in its protection and support, thereby creating positive outcome expectancies for those who choose to forcefully recruit children into the armed forces, (Aning and McIntyre, 2005). 

Rationale for Social Cognitive Theory and Analysis of Determinants

            The most pervasive constructs in discussion regarding change in recruitment behavior come from the Social Cognitive Theory.  Due to the interpersonal nature of military culture, as well as the profound impact of state activities on the activities of the military, the Social Cognitive Theory is the best model by which to formulate an intervention program targeting soldiers who recruit children for service.  Utilizing the Principle of Reciprocal Determinism, it is hypothesized that by affecting environmental influences, such as implementing and enforcing the international laws and rules of warfare in areas where formal conflict exists, and by altering soldiers’ situation and outcome expectations (thereby affecting their outcome expectancies), military units will cease forceful recruit of children from refugee camps in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.  One recommendation for further research would be to understand the role that self-efficacy plays in individual soldiers’ intention to cease recruitment children from refugee camps.  As self-efficacy is the single most important construct of the Social Cognitive Theory, it is imperative that program developers understand how best to improve soldiers’ confidence in choosing not to recruit children.  Lack of volitional control, however, will continue to be the greatest barrier in tackling cessation of child recruitment.  

Copyright 2013 Jennifer M Kerner, M.P.H.

Please contact the author before reproducing this publication in whole or in part: jmkerner@unm.edu

Andvig, J.C. and Gates, S.  (2006).  “Recruiting Children for Armed Conflict.”  Keynote address at the Dutch Flemish Association for Economy and Peace.

Aning, K. and McIntyre, A.  (2005).  “From Youth Rebellion to Child Abduction: The Anatomy of Recruitment in Sierre Leone.”  In Invisible Stakeholders: Children and War in Africa, Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies.

*Beber, B. and Blattman, C.  (2008).  “Rebels without a Cause: The Use of Coercion and Children in Guerrilla Warfare.”  Lecture printed by Columbia University Press.

*Blattman, C.  (2007).  “The Causes of Child Soldiering: Theory and Evidence from Northern Uganda.”  Lecture printed by University of California Press.

*Lischer, S.K.  (2006).  “War, Displacement, and the Recruitment of Child Soldiers.”  Lecture printed by Wake Forest University Press.

Maxted, J.  (2003).  “Children and Armed Conflict in Africa.”  Social Identities, 9(1):51-72.

Singer, P.W.  (2006).  “The Enablers of War: Casual Factors behind the Child Soldier Phenomenon.”  The Brookings Institute.

*Transcripts of lectures were provided following personal request.  Copies of these papers are immediately available upon request.

Film Review and Discussion

I am a big fan of using film, literature, and music to convey academic information to students regarding topics that come up in class. Having shown several film clips and trailers in class, I've been approached by a few students wanting to do some sort of film showing and discussion related to topics of my research. I won't be able to take on such an effort this semester, but I have decided to post trailers to these films and provide my own response and discussion questions so that, if students would like to view the films on their own, we may have a discussion over the blog or email.

The following are several films that I will be discussing. The first is Tsotsi (2006), the story of a thug (tsotsi) from SOWETO in South Africa who makes a life-changing decision and confronts trauma from his past.

The second film is a an adaption Alan Paton's Cry, the Beloved Country. This book fundamentally changed the way I thought about the world and my role in it (and I was only a junior in high school). Set in South Africa, the story is about the struggle of ending apartheid and mending the broken pieces of two lives that find themselves unexpected intertwined.

Finally, I'd like to show The First Grader, a film based on the true story of an illiterate 84-year-old Kenyan veteran who wishes to take advantage of Kenya's newly-instituted free education policy.

Once I review these films and provide discussion questions, I hope to gain some feedback from students regarding other films they would like to discuss (I have about six others in mind). This was a successful practice in my role at Indiana University, so I hope that everyone who's following and checking in will enjoy it as well. As always, feedback is welcome.

Who Is in Charge, Here? M23 and its response to UN sanctions

M23 Congo Rebels Fear War Over UN Sanctions This is a link to an article published in the The Independent and written by Haggai Matsiko (2013) that touches on a topic that I have been grappling with for the past several months: How should the international community (and by this, I mean IGOs, NGOs, international non-state actors in general, and state governments) treat rebel groups in the context of forging peace agreements? There are obvious dangers to raising these groups to a state-like status, but there are also drawbacks to failing to provide enough legitimacy to make negotiations meaningful for the rebel parties.

The UN has imposed sanctions and travel bans on high-ranking members of M23, spurring resentment and renewed tensions between the rebel group and the government of the DRC. The sanctions were imposed following investigations into accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It is the responsibility of the UN to intervene in situations where civilians are being targeted, harmed, and killed, regardless of whether the perpetrator is a state or non-state actor. But the government of the DRC warns that such actions by the UN will only inflame the situation, bringing about more destruction and loss of life. It appears as though M23 has enough control over the fragile situation in Eastern DRC to hold state governments at bay . . . but what of the international community? To what extent is the UN willing to provide support to DRC civilians in light of the sanctions the UN has imposed on M23? We must not be satisfied with precedent and status quo, but we, especially scholars of transitional justice, but continually ask ourselves questions regarding responsibility, power, control, and enforcement. These negotiations with M23 will not end quickly. Let us see whether this group remains resolute about an independent territory in North Kivu.

DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

The latest attempt to foster peace in Eastern DRC . . . This time, instead of drafting an entirely new document, the parties involved have revised and recommitted to tenets of past peace agreements. One aspect of this newest development that I find interesting is the new focus on citizenship and its role in the conflict. It is common knowledge for individuals in this area of Africa that citizenship as a Congolese is both poorly documented and highly politicized. Apparently, this issue has been addressed in the latest talks:

"According to a statement issued yesterday, the talks will tackle the effective implementation of the law on citizenship and its application on the ground in view of the fight against discrimination" (Muramira 2013).


Another area of interest in these talks is the inclusion of a discussion regarding the release of political and war prisoners. It will be interesting to see what level (or levels) of judicial decision-making and enforcement will be employed to this end. In the past, amnesty was the largest bargaining chip in Eastern DRC peace agreements. Could there be continued bargaining, not just between the national government and rebel leaders, but among local officials, foreign national governments, and third-party organizations?


Muramira, Gashegu. (2013). "DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks." allAfrica.com, 17 January 2013. 
allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: DRC, M23 Adopt Agenda of Peace Talks

SADC Meets On DRC, Zim

The Southern African Development Community is a regional economic institution that deals with trade relations, as well as peace and security concerns for many countries in the south, southeast, and central areas of the African continent. SADC has been highly involved with regard to issues of peace and security in Zimbabwe for many years. Now, with the ongoing troubles in DRC, SADC appears to have a full plate . . . perhaps too full. SADC has reached out the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region in order to monitor and deal with the continued conflict in the DRC:

"The meeting noted with appreciation the good collaboration between SADC and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) on the developments in the eastern DRC" (New Era 2013).

To what extent should the conflict(s) in Eastern DRC be handled by regional organizations, specifically REIs? What are the advantages and disadvantages of collaboration between multiple regional organizations with regards to reaching a peaceful solution to inter- and intra-national conflict? 

allAfrica.com: Southern Africa: SADC Meets On DRC, Zim

Congo’s M23 conflict: Rebellion or resource war? (Op-Ed)

When I discuss my work, I often use the term "rebel group" to identify the many non-state groups involved in the conflict in Eastern DRC. This label is sometimes criticized as a misnomer by those who argue that the conflict in Eastern DRC is a war about control over resources rather than an attempt to overthrow, change, or replace the national government. I argue that, for sustained conflicts, such as the one in Eastern DRC, it is difficult to parse out exactly what the goals of each actor are with regards to interests in the conflict. Is Eastern DRC, including both conflict and transitional justice components, primarily an economic story (opportunity)? Is it primarily a grievance story? Or could it be a combination of the two?

In an article by Nile Bowie (RT.com, January 14th, 2013) (Rebellion or resource war?), this question of rebel motives is discussed. At the end of the article, the author brings up an important factor that contributes to the conflict process in Eastern DRC:

"If Kabila wants to stay in power, he needs the capability of exercising authority over the entire country. Sanctions should be imposed on top-level Rwandan and Ugandan officials and all military aid should be withheld; additionally, Rwandan strongman Paul Kagame should be investigated and removed from his position."

The factor alluded to in this paragraph is that of geographical proximity. The area of DRC is 2,345,000 km² (905,600 sq miles). Kinshasa (the capital of DRC) is on the opposite side of the country from North Kivu province. Rwanda and Uganda are closer in proximity to this area than the DRC's national government. Elsewhere in the article, it is suggested that by diminishing the size of rebel groups (of which there are around 40 in the DRC), the national government may be able to gain more control over the Eastern provinces. How could this be accomplished? Given their close proximity to the area most affected by conflict, how involved (and in what ways) should Rwanda and Uganda play a role in this situation? Consider, also, the enormity of the IDP (internally displaced persons) and refugee situations that are resulting from this conflict. Consider the geo-political consequences of state, IGO, and NGO decision-making.

Congo-Kinshasa: Prime Minister Challenges UN's Drones Use in DR Congo (Page 2 of 2)

Could drones be the newest version of UN peacekeeping and observation? It is true that there are many areas, particularly in Eastern DRC, that are off-limits and physically difficult to reach. However, could the introduction of drones in attempts to achieve peace in DRC be a dangerous precedent? This new development brings up important questions regarding sovereignty, the rights of states, and ownership of the peace-making and peacekeeping processes.

"The said aerial vehicles equipped with infrared technology can detect troops hidden beneath forest canopy or operating at night, allowing them to track movements of armed militias, assist patrols heading into hostile territory and document atrocities. They are about 150 miles and are able to hover for up to 12 hours at a time" (New of Rwanda 2013).

allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: Prime Minister Challenges UN's Drones Use in DR Congo (Page 2 of 2)

Congo-Kinshasa: UN Mission Welcomes Return of Renowned Doctor to Eastern DR Congo Following Attack

For those of you following Dr. Mukwege's story, he has now returned to work with support from national officials, local officials in North Kivu, and MONUSCO. I will repost the series of articles regarding the attack on Dr. Mukwege and his family so that you can review the entire story.

allAfrica.com: Congo-Kinshasa: UN Mission Welcomes Return of Renowned Doctor to Eastern DR Congo Following Attack